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Realpolitik (see also Political realism; from German: real “realistic”, “practical” or “actual”; and Politik “politics”) refers to politics or diplomacy based primarily on practical considerations, rather than ideological notions or moralistic premises. In this respect, it shares aspects of its philosophical approach with those of realism and pragmatism.
"Manchmal werden Leute den Wald vor lauter Bäumen nicht sehen."

Thursday, 4 April 2013

038 - For richer, for poorer..

In the week that Iain Duncan Smith and George Osborne defend the latest round of cuts to benefits and the privatisation of the NHS, Realpolitik questions the widening divide of wealth in the UK, divide and rule, and where our disaffections should really be directed.

April 2013 is an important turning point in British politics. As the vice of austerity tightens its grip, the NHS privatisation leads to one of the institution's biggest transformations of structure since its inception. Still, however, there is no sign of economic recovery, or reduction in government borrowing. Worse, such policies serve only to widen the gap between rich and poor in the UK.

Iain Duncan Smith: Photo from The Guardian (www.guardian.co.uk)

This however, has not prevented Work and Pensions Secretary Iain Duncan Smith from making the appallingly unrealistic claim that he could live off £53 in benefits a week, the amount market trader David Bennett claimed he was left to live on after cuts, and approximately equivalent to the lowest rate of JSA for adults under the age of 25. A claim, that saw an online petition calling for IDS to act on his claim. At the time of publication of this article, the petition - hosted by www.change.org - had gathered 410,258 signatures.

This concerning remark comes just days after IDS claimed that the government had 'given up' on cutting benefits, adding that all on benefits could expect to see increases in their respective increments in the following years of the current Parliament.
"(The) reality is that this country is not cutting welfare... ...all those on benefits will still see cash increases in every year of this Parliament." (Iain Duncan Smith, 29 March 2013)."
An increase, however, of 1%, which when inflation of 2.7% is accounted for, translates to a net loss of 1.7% per annum.

Nonetheless, placing his apparent indecision aside for one moment, his claims around the manageability of £53 per week JSA is dubious, especially when even only brief further research is conducted into Mr Duncan Smith's own personal financial circumstances. For instance, his food allowance alone accounts for £400 per week in taxpayer funding. This does not account for expenses claims such as £110 on a Bose bluetooth headset for his car, £12.42 on a USB cable, £5.30 spent on a trip within his own constituency, and a monthly phone bill in excess of £53 per month. This, not inclusive of a salary of £1,581.02 a week - in context, 97% above IDS' £53 per week threshold - hardly reflect an individual demonstrating a capability to live on a minimum income.

IDS has also claimed, in virtue of the so called 'bedroom tax' - a policy we wrote on recently - that families under-occupying houses they are not themselves paying rent for, should have benefits reduced accordingly. As a result, 660,000 social housing tenants will lose £14 per week in housing benefit. However, can Mr Duncan Smith provide accurate figures on the current number of available 1 bedroom houses under council control? In Hull for instance, 70 such properties exist, yet demand stretches to 5,500 people.

Successive governments have failed to invest in social housing, which has driven many into the hands of the private landlords, and higher rents. In context, private rents increased on average by £300 last year.  To add to the bad taste of this ill-thought out remark, Duncan Smith also presently lives rent-free in a country retreat worth £2m~, a residence which, by his own words, he is presently 'under-occupying.' This distinct lack of ability to relate to the harsh reality he is imposing on so many others is sounding ominous.

However, personal critique and analysis of hypocrisy is but one facet of this appalling manoeuvre. Mr Duncan Smith has justified the restructuring to the current benefits system under the guise that it represents a wider government effort to tackle the working culture in the UK.
"(Restructuring the culture is so) people find work always pays." (Iain Duncan Smith, 2 April 2013)
While there is little ground to argue that making the work system rewarding and a more worthwhile alternative wherever possible to a life on JSA, we can accept that this is hardly Duncan Smith's motive. The government's intense demand to get as many off benefits and into work demonstrates a shocking disregard of their personal circumstances and well being. Consider the man with a terminal brain tumour deemed fit for work, the ex-RAF serviceman Alex Smith kept alive by a heart machine, whose benefits were stopped, the suicidal bipolar patient Alice Traynor harassed by Atos, or Peter Hodgson, who committed suicide amid fears over his disability benefits.

 The sad reality however, is that the current abhorrent situation we find ourselves in, is not just the loathsome work of a self-interested coalition government, but the neglectful conjuring of successive government policies, which have contributed to an apathy towards the electorate, and Britain's gap between rich and poor being the fastest growing divide of any developed country amidst claims of the 'big society', and us all being.. well, you know the rest. The working culture, while not perfect, is hardly as corrupt as that of our political system.

Since the collapse of the UK's industrial heartland, finding the fabled 'job-for-life', or indeed stable employment of any kind, has been tough for communities that previously relied on the might of British production. In 1979, 7m people were employed by the manufacturing sector. This figure is now roughly 2.5m. When Costa Coffee advertised 8 barista posts, 1,701 people applied. Driving people out of benefits and into work, without continued reliance on the system for support, will be impossible so long as new jobs are not created. In fact, unemployment rose in the last month, and currently stands at 2.5m.

The attempted dissolution of the union movement in the late 80s-early 90s also succeeded in leaving many of the working class disenfranchised, without voice. Consider too the government cuts of £350m to LegalAid, and an altogether more worrying picture of the government's apathetic indifference towards the working classes emerges. Meanwhile, the Labour Party has also progressively abandoned its traditionally core values, for instance by refusing to reverse British Rail privatisation, and by themselves privatising elements of the NHS such as minor surgeries. Thus, with little to no means of retaliation or representation, many on the wrong side of the divide are now resigned to accept the savage austerity measures imposed upon them. 97% of those affected by changes to housing benefit have nowhere else to move to.

Osborne at a housing development in Marehay. Cheaper, more affordable social
housing could reduce what is lost to expensive private rents.
Photo Credit: Darren Staples/Reuters

Furthermore, divide and rule tactics utilised by successive parliaments serve to maintain such suppression. The perfect distraction technique, this allows for the perpetuation of rich/poor divides with minimal comeback from those negatively affected, by engaging their distaste elsewhere, and turning it inwards. This government has been resurrecting the Victorian notion of the 'deserving poor' since it came to office in 2010.

One such example of divide and rule is the magnificent PR tool that is the benefit fraud scandal. Claims that measures are necessary to reduce the deficit are laughably ignorant. The deficit inherited by the current Parliament in 2010 (35% of GDP) is no different, in real terms (accounting for inflation), to that inherited by Blair's Labour government when it came to power in 1997 (42% of GDP). Furthermore, were these claims creditable statements, then the benefits system is hardly the most fertile of ground for fiscal policy. Perhaps we should consider the £69.9bn per annum lost to the UK economy through tax evasion, rather than cutting 13,000 jobs from HM Revenue and Customs.

However, it is far easier for senior government figures to wage rhetorical war on some targets rather than others. Take for instance the loathsome 'journalism' adorning the front page of the Daily Mail yesterday (April 3rd, 2013). We are expected to believe from this disgraceful report, that Mick Philpott - found guilty of manslaughter of 6 of his 17 children - is the product of the UK benefits system, thus, tarring all those on benefits with the same sickening brush. George Osborne's subsequent hijacking of the case to validate his demands for cutting benefits, is a demonstration of vile opportunistic single-mindedness.

While Philpott's actions cannot possibly be condoned under any premise, the notion that the blame for his actions is in any way related to the benefits system or his social class supporting him is absurd, for the same reasoning that Dr Harold Shipman's actions were hardly representative of the middle class, or Stephen Seddon's murder of his parents were of inheritance. In fact, just 4% of families with at least one parent on JSA have more than two children. Only 1.5% of those on benefits have never worked.

Presenting these extreme examples however, as the tip of a kind of feral iceberg, becomes the easy option. Debate has, thankfully, been raised on this, but is dismissed by government agenda. After all, why let pesky statistics, such as the £5bn lost through benefit fraud - a crime committed by less than 1% of claimants - versus the £69.9bn tax evasion bill, stand in the way of ideological fantasy? Thus, the general public is distracted by attacking itself, rather than focusing on the real source of the damage to their livelihoods.

However, this generalisation is not limited solely to ignorant media. In 2007, Labour MP Margaret Hodge explained the rise of BNP support in her constituency by blaming the prioritisation of migrants' rights over British nationals. Her party also spent £12m in 2009 on projects for the white working class, to further the notion that issues relate more to ethnicity, than class, and the rich/poor divide. Regardless of ethnicity, the average British family is now £890 a year worse off than in 2010 as a result of government spending reductions.

The current government has also projected that the current deficit of £120bn will remain at its present level for the next 2 years. In that case, to what end are these cutbacks against the vulnerable achieving successful deficit reduction?

Mr Duncan-Smith's claims he could live off £53 per week speak of a man living in another world entirely. Reducing the amount available by 10%, then 'passing the buck' onto local councils, is a cowardly attempt at absolving the government of any blame resulting from the cutbacks. George Osborne has merely deflected criticism of his benefits scheme as "missing what people really want" and "ill informed rubbish."

While the benefit fraud that does exist is - quite rightly - tackled, and the wider benefits system is so viciously and blindly overhauled, it would be worth bearing in mind the state of social housing, the number of jobs available, and other more substantial drains on the economy to deplete our exaggerated deficit. That the UK economy is held to ransom by the 27% of income tax paid by the rich 1%, is deplorable. A better redistribution of wealth must occur to prevent the divide growing wider. Sadly, given the tax break of £100,000 per annum for high earners, a pay rise of £5m for the Queen from the taxpayer to increase her income to £36.1m per annum, and rumbled of a freeze/reduction in minimum wage, the gap will likely only continue to grow.

Britain is indeed broken, but the rot starts at the top.


Realpolitik.

Tuesday, 12 February 2013

037- Opinion short: A bedroom tax for one and all

I thought the idea behind this post would be original, but alas it is not. My fault entirely for staying out of the loop concerning the so-called 'Bedroom Tax' for so long.

In any case, I - like so many others it seems- have dared to ask the question about applying the 'Bedroom Tax' to every level of society, in the spirit of being "all in this together."

A reader's letter calling for the Royal Family to also be subjected to the "Bedroom Tax"
Dave Sainty of Chesterfield quite rightly asserts that the royal palaces are held in trust for the state by the monarchy, and so are in essence large council properties.

The Royal Family are at the top of the social pile as things stand, and as such, should be made to lead by example and be forced to downsize their accommodation, as so many other 'ordinary' people in social housing will be expected to do.

Failing that, their taxpayer-funded accommodation should be fully opened to the public à la Versailles, drawing maximum economic benefit for all; fully reflecting the blatant under occupancy of these national residences.

They certainly enjoy the second-home perks, with the added bonus of recession-proof excursions on the public purse.

For good measure, I would expect the same reductions to be dealt to our elected (and currently unelected) legislators, who also benefit from generous accommodation allowances, in spite of their significant annual salaries.

It is little surprise that such a "tax" is to be imposed. After all, what knowledge could rich executive legislators and obscenely wealthy (and secretly omnipotent) rubber-stamping royals, truly have of the economic plight of laymen?

 -chokobo-

Thursday, 18 October 2012

036- "We're sorry for telling the truth, ma'am"

On 25th September 2012, the BBC was forced into an embarrassing U-Turn over a decision to reveal that the Queen had breached royal protocol on political neutrality. It was reported that she had met with "the Home Secretary at the time," in order to express her dismay at the prolonged extradition process of Abu Hamza al-Masri.

At this point, there is neither value in becoming embroiled in the debate about deporting (foreign) "criminals," nor any worth in questioning the efficacy of a supranational judiciary to deliver a favourable judgement for the state. 

What is worth querying however, is why the Queen has (inadvertently) waded into the national debate on British extradition policy? Moreover, we ought to question why her commentary has been revealed- against a sixty year backdrop of (feigned) neutrality- and to what purpose this might serve in the light of expected future disclosures?

Royal Neutrality

Thames Diamond Jubilee Pageant - Queen Elizabeth II, Prince Philip, Prince Charles, Camilla, Prince Harry, Catherine Duchess of Cambridge
Credit: Andrew Wagg (2012) source: flickr.com

Any website dedicated to the Royal Family, is quick to emphasise the politically neutral stance of the Monarchy, and how this is fitting within the context of a constitutional monarchy arrangement for a parliamentary democracy: 
'As Head of State, The Queen must remain politically neutral, since her Government will be formed from whichever party can command a majority in the House of Commons.'
'Queen and voting' - royal.gov.uk (Sept 2011) 
It is a position which has been much vaunted throughout the reign of the current Monarch, and one which has certainly done the rounds, during a year in which it had almost become mandatory to state that "she has hardly put a foot wrong in 60 years."



This much is fairly easy to understand - if you overlook the fact that this neutrality is more of a customary than legally-binding position, or if you wish to delve into the nature of the weekly 'audience' between the Prime Minister and the Queen. It is here that we begin to find our doubts, about the great neutrality charade of the British monarchy.

No human is selfless, and it does not require much cognition to determine that fulfilling a role at the heart of a nation's political framework for six decades, is time enough for any initial feelings of selfless duty to cave in to personal ambition. Make no illusion that even the Queen has her vested interests. She is after all human, and will seek from life that which we all do; the best for herself and the best for her family. Being fortunate enough to have emerged into the world from the womb of someone, upon whom absolute social, political and economic pre-eminence is inherited and maintained by an entire state, it can be safe to assume that she would harbour no desire to relinquish such an advantage.

We know this, because whilst -up until the 25th- Elizabeth and her PR machine- had been very good at concealing any information about her interactions with the arms of the state, her eldest son - and heir to the throne- Charles, has made no secret of his desire to ignore traditional royal protocol on political issues:
Paul Richards, a former Labour special adviser between 2005 and 2009, told the tribunal, that the Prince’s letters were “put before the minister, effectively at the top of the file and treated with great reverence.
'Neutrality of Prince of Wales might be questioned if 'black spider' memos made public, former aide warns' - The Daily Telegraph (18 Sept 2012) 

Even if Charles behaviour defied convention, the final barrier would of course be our elected representatives, who have the democratic mandate to be able to reject any interference from non-elected members of the state authorities.

But of course, over half of the British parliament is already unelected(*1) and this year has demonstrated yet another collapse in political will to rectify this situation. In the light of this, why would anyone oppose the interference of a monarch-in-waiting? It is thus far fetched to even expect the monarchy to censor its own opinions, as demonstrated on 25th September.

It thus is apparent that the declaration of royal neutrality is nothing more than a gross charade, designed to dupe the British public into believing that monarchy is a harmless dressing on the often hard-to-stomach world of politics.

Opining or lobbying?

Following an outcry by the Scottish Information Commission and the ruling of a Freedom of Information (FoI) tribunal, we will soon be able to delve into the nature of royal lobbying and vetoing, to acts which have forever been reported as either being beyond the remit of the royals, or only exercised in 'extreme' circumstances.

Quite who determines what constitutes an 'extreme' circumstance remains to be seen, but we are now already aware that as head of the Duchy of Cornwall, the government has been presenting legislation to Charles before it is debated, so as to ensure that it does not affect any of his personal interests in that particular duchy.

This brings the position of the monarchy into a whole new realm, or rather, confirms the suspicions of democracy activists and British republicans. Suddenly, someone who has arbitrarily been placed at the head of the British political and social structure is being consulted on laws before the electorate. This practice begins to bring to doubt the legitimacy of the British democratic model.

It is beyond mere opining, if correspondence sent by the Prince, "is treated with great reverence" in comparison to correspondence from others. This would appear to be irrespective of the topic at hand, and thus suggests a shift towards the lobbying end of the spectrum. Charles would have been fully aware that his polite suggestions- given his position to the British "constitution" - will have carried a great deal of sway in the actions of MPs, in comparison to a lay constituent, who would have been politely ignored, if their query was not a vote winner.

Abu Hamza

So this brings us to #queengate - as so eloquently put by the Twitter realm on the 25th- with revelations by the BBC's security correspondent Frank Gardener OBE on Radio 4, about the Queen revealing that she had spoken to a former home secretary, about her concern about the inability of due process to expedite the desired expulsion of Abu Hamza, amidst his diatribe against the British nation.
Abu Hamza al-Masri - Source: BBC News (2010)

A subtle admission of having expressed an opinion, which quite naturally is a normal human act. But reconsider that revelation for a moment; the Queen, who has sworn to remain politically neutral as head of state, not only providing an opinion on a politically sensitive subject, but also going out of her way to convey this to a Home Secretary.

Some (such as Labour MP Keith Vaz), have claimed that as head of state, it is Elizabeth's right to question events in "her realm." But this revelation raises serious questions about where decision-making lies in our democracy, and to what extent our representatives are yielding power to the unelected core of the British political system.

This revelation can of course, also be considered as opportunistic. Perhaps Gardener - and conspiracists may even claim the Palace themselves- sought to reveal information about this private exchange, as yet another piece in the unrelenting royalist PR exercise in the year of the Diamond Jubilee. How convenient to posit the Queen as sharing populist opinion on a controversial matter! This of course, ties in with the trend of 'sixty years and not a foot put wrong' myth.

If this was the aim, then it is even more perplexing that the BBC made it a breaking news issue earlier in the afternoon, proclaiming that they had apologised to the Queen for having revealed the details of the conversation. They were essentially apologising for revealing the truth. 

There are two things which may have been the aim of this revelation; either the news was designed to pacify the public in the wake of future FoI tribunal revelations about dealings between the Queen, Prince Charles and Ministers, or it was designed to sway the public to condone this type interference, so that it may continue without arousing suspicion. For either, this particular opinion revelation meets both of those aims. 

The danger with this of course is, which other events has the Queen commented and lobbied on? And how do we the people, determine whether her influence is always in the public interest? It is a most conniving action, that the Palace has jumped onto the Abu Hamza bandwagon.

 Republic Campaign spokesperson Graham Smith is cited as follows:
“Usually the royals are very secretive about their involvement in politics, yet when there’s an opportunity to court public opinion the Queen makes her views known. Will she also be making her views known on Julian Assange or Gary McKinnon? Is she all the while meddling in the political process and demanding action from the courts?” 
'Queen must keep out of politics' - Graham Smith, Republic Campaign (25th September 2012)
Specifically, what more has the Queen- or even Charles- had to say on the hot topic of extradition and deportation? Perhaps her sweeping assessment of Abu Hamza, also applies to Babar Ahmad, who has been detained without trial since 2004, pending extradition to the USA under the controversial Extradition Act 2003.

What does she have to say on freedom of movement in the EU, the granting of visas to non-EU citizens or even the domestic demographic make up of post-empire Britain?

It all would not really matter, if she was just your average old lady with a political opinion. She would merely be exercising her right to freedom of speech. Instead, the present reality is that she is centrepiece of the current version of British democracy, is conventionally and legally bound to be politically neutral and must not divulge such comments so as not to interfere with due process.

If she wishes to have a legitimate say, she should do the right democratic thing and stand for election. 



  1. Parliament of the United Kingdom, Wikipedia (Accessed: 25 Sept 2012) 1,436 members of parliament. 650 MPs, 786 peers.

Tuesday, 5 June 2012

035: The Royal Jubilee - Corruption, Sycophancy and Hypocrisy

The last four days should serve as a reminder to us all, that we still have a long way to go before Britain can be remotely termed as a 'democracy'.

Once the bunting has been packed away, souvenirs put neatly on shelves and the headaches of Jubilee excess eased and faded, we should ask some serious questions about the state of our country. The actions of some over the last four days have been nothing short of despicable, displaying to the world no joyous union of people as claimed, rather a tyrannical and sycophantic homage to 60 years of a non-democratic Britain.

At Realpolitik we have pondered corruption and the republican question before, especially given our supposed policy on unelected world leaders. The purpose of this article however is not to promote, instead to offer another perspective on our blind celebration of an unelected head of state and houses of parliament. I will gladly confess to being a republican supporter, but after all, if Elizabeth was elected by the people, she would have a mandate for her role, thus the republican question would be partly answered. Were she or her successors democratically elected I would have no qualms about her mandate to reign. I include the equally undemocratic 'House of Lords' in this as well.

Key points still remain however. For instance the UK economy returned to recession in April. Unemployment despite recently lowering still stands at 2.65 million with youth unemployment at 21.9% in March, gradually catching up on the rates of our European neighbours. Serving members of front line services on the Jubilee weekend will also receive medals for their cooperation and support. Between 400,000 and 450,000 of these medals will be produced, costing the UK taxpayer between £7m and £8m.

This amongst the £3 billion cost of the Jubilee weekend amidst £1 billion cuts to benefits then is an appalling reflection on our priorities as a society, another indication of our Tory led coalition's intent to widen the gap between rich and poor, and further drive our country to mass subservience. For instance, the cost of the four day Jubilee celebrations could have paid for 9,500 extra members of nursing staff.

Of all the various issues of the weekend however, some behaviours stand out as outright injustices to our own people, for the sake of celebrating 60 years of our sham democracy. A quick peek behind the facade reveals the extent to which we continue to malign sections of our society for the benefit of others.

One particularly shocking article from The Guardian revealed that groups of up to 30 long-term unemployed and 50 apprentices were shipped to London to work as unpaid stewards for the celebrations, forced to sleep under London Bridge to work on the river pageant, as part of the government's Work Programme. Two such individuals are quoted in this article as claiming they had no option but to dress in public, had no access to toilet facilities for 24 hours and were taken to a "swampy campsite outside London after working a 14-hour shift in the pouring rain on the banks of the Thames on Sunday."

Providing an opportunity for positive contribution is perfectly acceptable, worthy of applaud even, but to subject these people to humiliating an derogatory subservience without pay or accommodation - or even basic facilities - is a disgrace. That so many blindly lined the banks of the Thames to wave flags and watch the Royal privileged sail by on a £12m 1,000 boat flotilla spectacle while this happened all around them, makes me further consider the true meaning of David Cameron's speech after the English riots last year.
"There are pockets of our society that are not just broken but frankly sick." 
Unfortunately, 'pockets' seems to have been a rather underwhelming choice of word. The charity in charge of organising these placements, 'Tomorrow's People', have responded by saying they will conduct a review of the situation as a matter of urgency.

However, it may be too fleeting to judge those lining the Thames for their apparent complicity. What's more, is the manner with which any anti-Monarchist or protest was dealt with had more than an air of state control about it. A 'news blackout' was created to block any negative royal sentiment from gaining dominance. This, more than a passing reminder of the fabled arrest of the Sex Pistols for their indignant attempts to 'serenade' the Queen on her Silver Jubilee with a less than celebratory release in 1977.

One of our RP team was in London and observed first hand the demonstrations which had been organised to challenge our monarchist tradition. The BBC reported a group of '100 demonstrators' had gathered, however the true figure, as photos of the event demonstrate, was much larger. On Twitter, James Albury (@alburyj) tweeted:
"No megaphones, no leaflets. #jubilee flotilla was a "free speech free" zone: http://yfrog.com/o0jx9rlj #jubileeprotest @KevinJRawlinson"
"Free Speech Free Zone" preventing anti-Monarchist sentiment
Source: via @alburyj on Twitter

The Republic group also claimed that protesters had been prevented from joining the main body of the protest without any clear indication as to why this had happened, other than to preserve the sycophantic celebration of her majesty. After the kettling of students at tuition fees protests, arrests during 'Occupy' protests in London and the heavy handed evictions of peaceful occupiers of a Glasgow University building, one could be forgiven for questioning just how much 'freedom of speech' one actually has in Britain.

More than the reported 100 took to the streets to protest.
Source: Republic Facebook Group

Speaking of towing the party line, the BBC's 'impartiality' was also distinctly missing throughout the Jubilee weekend, as program after program ignorantly flirted with inherited privilege and a skewed history of our imperial overlords. Indeed the only time allocated to republican sentiments or monarchy-alternatives was a brief news clip of the aforementioned '100 protesters' lining the Thames. The coverage has since been heavily criticised for its inane and persistent crooning. The narrow-mindedness and tactlessly patronising and childlike tone with which any negative comments of their coverage were dealt with by an official spokesman - who interestingly chose to remain nameless - was a further indication of the BBC's true values, and state TV undertone.

We ourselves at Realpolitik have had issues with the BBC's commendation and pompous hauteur, having received several messages, been blocked or 'moderated' showing the BBC's disdain over our articles and comments. Indeed, expect the inbox to be rather overflowing with such warnings, should one be perceived to not to side with 'Auntie'. This is an insult given the BBC is a publicly funded organisation, thus with a responsibility to have no affiliation to one set of values or political leanings. When approached by TheOpinionSite.org, the BBC "declined to comment on how much their coverage of the royal weekend was costing the public in addition to money generated by the license fee."

The official statistics quoted by the BBC, suggesting an 80% majority in favour of retaining the monarchy, are also worthy of debate given both the regional variations and variations when political affiliations are considered. Also since any quick peek into the realms of open forums suggests apathy is the dominant response. We have attempted to question the BBC's research methodologies before with, unsurprisingly, a childlike and indignantly condescending retort.

The last four days have provided a sickening reminder that the Britain that millions turned out to celebrate still has a long way to go before it can consider itself a truly free nation. Those that lined the banks of the Thames to sycophantically wave by an economically ill-afforded appraisal of the monarchy were, by extrapolation, complicit in a small piece of their own oppression. The protesters that didn't make it to the banks, will attest to that.

- Realpolitik -

Wednesday, 9 May 2012

Promo: Join the debate with ease

You can now join the debate, right here, right now at:


Your first choice, for grassroots, British, political commentary.

Friday, 4 May 2012

034- Opinion: Choosing not to choose

I am intrigued and equally saddened by the level of rejection meted out by a trickle of electors, around the chance to install directly elected mayors in various major English cities.

It is widely observed and loathed in political circles, that Great Britain- and especially, England- is unhealthily centralised. There is little scope for local decision-making to emanate from anywhere except Whitehall. Thus by definition, local government in effect is nothing more than a low-level outpost for the national administration.


To add insult to injury, the prevailing structure of our local government- a reflection of the national model- is one which favours leadership being determined by those within the political realm, than those without.

Make no mistake about it; being a Tory voter in a Labour heartland, may seem a waste of time in and of itself, but consider that this worthlessness does not change, even if an administration does end up being Conservative-lead, since your vote counts for nowhere beyond your locality.

Our system prefers a tyranny of the majority model, which means that when a sufficient number of surrounding voters, pushes a candidate beyond a certain threshold, all other votes become meaningless. This is both a shortcoming of the first past the post system, and also our political framework.
The mayoral referenda held on Thursday 3rd May 2012, were an opportunity to break through this tyrannical model, and allow people to finally have direct influence over who leads them. It was also an opportunity for such leaders, to consult with the Prime Minister in future, lobbying more directly for local needs at national level. Admittedly, it was also the route by which the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats could reasonably conceive of breaking into northern English Labour council strongholds.
However, at no point were any of these positions made clear. Much like the AV referendum of 2011, this year's proposal was preceded by a combination of latent misinformation or quite simply, no information whatsoever.

In my eyes, the options were the following:


Option A

The status quo. Your council, who you already feel you pay far too much money toward, in relation to the services you receive, decide for themselves who is to lead them. The leader is typically one of three representatives of a small ward, which you are unlikely to have ever visited. This leader makes a poor job of being a ward representative, since they are often more concerned with being a leader than a representative. They're bound up in meetings with potential investors and their millions, rather than with 65 year old Mrs. Smith from up the road, who would like to know why she doesn't feel safe walking in her own neighbourhood, for her weekly bridge game in the local social club. The most contact you get from a leader is a pamphlet, with their cheesy grin emblazoned on the front, pushed through your door whenever they are due for re-election. The leader only really cares for what members of their own party want them to do. They are solely accountable to their political party.

Option B

A better way. Your council, who you already feel you pay far too much money toward, in relation to the services you receive, are made to consider giving you an option to decide who leads them. The leader would be one person, who heads the administration of your entire council area. Though the leader wouldn't necessarily be assigned to a particular neighbourhood, they are however, obliged to conduct themselves in your public interest, since it is you who has placed the leader in their position. This leader could potentially be free to operate outside of the expectations of particular political parties, who often have their interests held primarily with the London elites. Even if they do form part of a political party, it may not necessarily be the same one which dominates your local assembly. They would be tasked with unifying policy from across your city's wards, freeing your local councillor to actually focus on your particular needs. You would finally have a choice in who your leader is, and they would be obliged to keep you informed of what they are doing for you and your city. They would be accountable to you.

Through a combination of mistrust, misunderstanding and disinterest, the majority of cities have opted for Option A: the status quo. That works for the current councils, since their little kingdoms remain intact, and individual councillors can keep alive their hope of being promoted within the ranks of their parties.

Turnout: 30%

Fortunately, the people of Doncaster are wise to this, and have opted to maintain their controversial English Democrats mayor Peter Davies' position, amid opposition from the Labour party cartel, which dominates Doncaster's council and has launched numerous votes of no confidence against him. Disruptive though it may be, I feel it is the essence which is required to breath real direction in local politics. Of course, turnout remains low across the board, but at the very least, it's one route of opening the possibility of not being lead by the usual suspects.

So, for everyone else, except London, Bristol, London, Salford and Doncaster, we can expect more of the same knee-jerk voting behaviour in response to national political events and the continued sense of disinterest in local political issues.

When someone approaches me next, and complains about local facilities yet doesn't vote, I will simply turn around and say that this is what they asked for. They had the choice to choose a leader. Instead, they chose (through either abstention or voting 'no') to allow politicians to continue choosing. The most contact they will get from their leader is a pamphlet, with their cheesy grin emblazoned on the front, pushed through their doors whenever the leader is due for re-election. The leader will only care for what members of their own party want them to do. They will continue to be solely accountable to their political party.

Don't say we didn't warn you.

-chokobo-

Monday, 2 April 2012

033 - Government and People: The Line in the Sand

The social response towards proposals to widen government access to personal communications will speak volumes about our position as a free nation.

This has been a busy week for the office of David Cameron. After the budget which left some reeling over a 50p tax cut and Osborne's misreading of demographics concerning a suspected 'granny tax', plus an embarrassing Cornish pasty humiliation during which the coalition majority seemed further out of touch; Cameron claiming to have last purchased a pasty from an establishment no longer in operation whilst his Chancellor admitting he could not remember when his last sampling of the product was, the situation was looking poor.

However this came coupled with the cash-for access scandal where former Tory treasurer Peter Cruddas claimed that £250k was the going rate for dinner with the PM - a faux pas which lead to his resignation later the same day, and No 10 after some deliberation and an early refusal, publishing the details of such meetings - alongside a woman left hospitalised in a critical condition with 40% burns over an ill thought out and unnecessarily inflammatory game of politics and poor advice regarding potential - and ultimately abandoned - union strikes by fuel drivers.

It would be understandable then after one of the most bizarre weeks in recent politics, to expect Mr Cameron and his team to have chosen to spend the weekend in a quiet retreat in order to soothe their wearied nerves, and try to regain control.

Instead, the Home Office has announced that new legislation likely to be announced in a forthcoming royal speech next month would allow intelligence officers to monitor otherwise private communications. The government has claimed though that it would like to push the policy through 'as soon as parliamentary process allows', in similar vein to the Digital Economy Act 2010.

Whilst the intelligence agency involved - GCHQ - would not be able without warrant to access the content of such communication, they would be able to identify individuals or groups and keep record of who one was in contact with, when, and for how long.



The logic behind such policy would be that further measures of control over communication serves a 'protective' purpose - and I use the word 'protective' entirely loosely and with great disdain -. The policy also follows on from wider moves on the online world, including attempts to force ISPs to either contact customers illegally downloading files or sharing copyrighted material online, or cut them off from web access altogether.

The 'method of control' through presumed cohesion and informant monitoring has been trailed before, for instance in February 2010 Labour mooted rewarding citizens who informed on people committing benefit fraud with some of the money saved as a result. Divisive and invasive, or an example of wider observation for the greater benefit of society? Judges also warned of 'big brother society' impacts of allowing the police to monitor suspects via GPS without advanced approval. As former UK information commissioner Richard Thomas pointed out at the time; ID cards are another prime example of a system which when poorly constructed or implemented, can have significant impact on perceived mistrust and monitoring..

The justification for communication monitoring would be that such added insight for the relevant authorities would allow for an opportunity for crime prevention and early interrogation, for instance regarding potential terrorism threats, prevention of illegal activity, or early reaction to other disorderly conduct as witnessed in the English Riots of last year, a topic upon which we wrote extensively. Indeed at the time, Realpolitik postulated over the true implications of David Cameron's 'zero-tolerance' rhetoric, and what this may mean for the future of our freedoms as a society.

For instance, during this speech he pledged to support the 'zero tolerance' approach, a policing system associated with the United States, whereby even minor offences may be prosecuted severely in order to send out a clear message to the masses regarding tolerance of illicit behaviour. With regards to the current legislation, this draws a dark series of suggestions.

Let us remember however, that this policy is by no means David Cameron's invention. Indeed as referenced in the video above, a similar tracking policy was originally mooted by the Labour government but dropped in 2009.

As one may expect, such news has been seized upon by Big Brother watchdogs and general public, likening the intrusive impact of the policy to various literary publications, and displaying a strong backlash. Indeed, the mere suggestion of the looming legality of such a government system has a distinct Orwellian vibe. The Daily Mail has reported the concept has 'undermining privacy by stealth,' and an e-petition has been set up to force debate over the policy's abolition. Former Conservative leadership candidate David Davis has also condemned the plans.

Indeed further comparisons while not entirely like with like, demonstrate the intrusive nature of the legislation. Opening or tampering with physical mail if not the addressee for instance is prohibited under the Postal Services Act 2000.

A clear comparison must therefore be made with online communications in order to fully establish a reliable and valid model for operating in this domain with respect for privacy. It should also be ensured that no arbitrary measures are used to ascertain which communications are malicious. For instance, volume of communication may be entirely benign, as time of day, as individuals involved.

The details of this policy are somewhat disconcerting, particularly when it comes at a time when political and media attention is somewhat elsewhere. For instance, the suggestion that authorities require a warrant to access content of communications is appropriate and a necessity in such policy. However under what circumstances would such warrant be granted? As we have already witnessed, situations involving warrant for arrest and detention without trial - and with limited or even no conclusive evidence - have plagued governments even recently.

However in order to balance this article with a sense of perspective, have we also ourselves to blame for a culture of ubiquitous observation? For instance, given the ease with which people post personal information so freely to social media sites such as Facebook or Twitter, or agree to terms and conditions with various e-mailing clients - often without reading the finer details - are we not already subscribing to an 'open-door' society?

Advocates would go further, suggesting that those with nothing to hide should not be concerned. After all, a warrant will be required - if GCHQ suspects a worrying pattern of communication - before any action regarding content can begin. Furthermore, the sheer volume of information available through each individual's everyday communication would make it impossible to monitor it all. However in contrast, what will determine what is considered 'right' and 'wrong' while not sinister at present, must be protected from any future degree of corruption.

The social response to this measure though will be an indicator of our stance as a democracy. That this policy is so readily justified as a measure of observation for our own protection, a play on fear of the consequences were such policies not implemented, is potentially a defining moment. It is a sorry state when the oppressed are successfully portrayed as criminal, while the oppressors a beacon of 'right' and 'justice'.

To grant such powers under the premise of 'protection' undermines the detailed and sophisticated nature of the policy at hand.

However, it is an even sorrier state when the former accepts their subservience so willingly, and ignorantly. That we would gladly remain under such a false impression of freedom and protection is the core of the issue that this policy must highlight. A largely implicit, yet constant psychological device using explicit means of divide and rule and 'us versus them' for the purpose of persuasion, thus ensuring the reliable and perpetual adherence of the masses.

Our acceptance of our 'need for protection' from the higher echelons, and our deference thereto is whilst a commonality of organised society, none the less deplorable. That we should so wantonly offer up our freedoms, and so willingly sacrifice our liberties and forthwith any perceived line in the sand under the assumption that it be for the greater good is an affront to the democratic freedom of expression we so freely claim to promote.

The sad reality of this policy remains. Whilst the public may not like the idea of this policy, they will likely defer to its requirements, accepting as ever that only those at the helm of the ship may control its direction. But is this the right move forward?


Join the debate.

- Realpolitk -